Commodified migration packages in the Americas’ corridors heighten already unequal risks, forcing resource-poor migrants onto more perilous routes. Effective policies are urgently needed to mitigate and prevent exploitation along these corridors.

In recent years, migration routes linking South and North America have seen a surge in undocumented crossings due to economic precarity, political crises and US immigration policy changes. Three key corridors stand out: the Darién Gap, the Mexico–Guatemala border and the US–Mexico border. Each presents distinct hazards and local economies that shape migrants’ journeys.

The Darién Gap, a remote jungle between Colombia and Panama, is marked by dense foliage, steep mountains and dangerous rivers. Although until recently considered largely impassable, it now sees migrants from South America, the Caribbean, Africa and Asia navigating its dangers. Local guides, or ‘coyotes’, sell survival supplies and arrange campsites, while criminal networks impose fees or threats. This unregulated dynamic creates a volatile environment where safety costs can spiral. Migrants with limited resources often take more dangerous routes, facing injuries, theft or separation. For instance, a Haitian woman described pooling funds for a ‘shortcut’, only to face unexpected fees mid-transit.

Further north, the Mexico–Guatemala border combines formal checkpoints with informal crossings such as raft services (charging a fee) across the Suchiate River. However, intermediaries – including raft operators and local officials – often demand additional payments for such services. Migrants also face additional extortion at interior checkpoints, draining their resources and trapping some in debt. The presence of military personnel can also serve to push migrants onto riskier routes, while local businesses profit by selling essential supplies.

At the US–Mexico border, heightened enforcement drives smugglers to market costly ‘safer’ routes. Migrants often pay more for partial assurances, with costs varying by nationality or perceived wealth. Commodification pervades these migration corridors, intensifying risks for the vulnerable and highlighting the need for equitable strategies to address harmful disparities.

Our research draws on ethnographic fieldwork, participant observation and over 60 interviews, carried out from 2020 to 2023 in the Darién Gap, on the Mexico–Guatemala border and in a number of US–Mexico locations.^[1] Interviewees included migrants, local stakeholders and government officials.^[2]

The rise of ‘migration packages’

Across these corridors, a new market in ‘migration packages’ has reshaped how people move north. Rather than relying solely on ad hoc smuggling arrangements, migrants increasingly purchase organised tiers of service – often labelled as basic, standard or VIP. These packages promise varying degrees of safety, speed and comfort, from expedited boat trips across dangerous rivers to basic provisions such as food, tents and rudimentary medical kits. Sometimes they even include third-party ‘protection services’ where local armed actors guarantee passage in exchange for additional fees.

Smugglers, local intermediaries and informal travel agencies frame these packages as near-essentials, suggesting that paying more translates into fewer risks. Wealthier migrants who can show evidence of funds or financial sponsors are guided along shorter treks, with organised rest stops and appropriate areas to camp. Guides might promise safer crossing times (for example, avoiding nighttime for jungle routes) or provide canoes for river crossings instead of flimsy rafts. In practice, however, many ‘exclusive’ routes still expose travellers to intense physical dangers and sporadic encounters with criminal groups. For instance, a Colombian migrant recounted paying roughly double the usual rate to shorten his trek by two days, only to discover mid-journey that local gatekeepers demanded further payments, negating much of the promised ‘premium’ benefit.^[3]

Stratified risks and differential experiences

The commodification of migration creates unequal journeys that reflect and intensify existing global inequalities. Those who can afford premium services generally face fewer delays and somewhat lower risks of theft or violence. They may receive clearer instructions on which checkpoints to avoid, faster boat transfers or rudimentary medical care. A Venezuelan interviewee who travelled with two small children highlighted how a ‘VIP package’ enabled them to bypass several known conflict zones in the Darién Gap. Although she felt exploited by the high fees, she believed the extra cost was worthwhile to reduce her children’s exposure to the elements and limit their contact with potentially violent groups.^[4]

Meanwhile, migrants with fewer resources endure the most gruelling conditions: trekking through remote jungle trails, crossing rivers at night without the proper equipment, clothing or footwear, or relying on older smuggling networks that no longer guarantee safe passage. They may be more likely to rely on misinformation from social media or word-of-mouth rumours passed along the route. If they run out of funds, they are also more prone to falling victim to local extortion, including repeated stops by corrupt officials who demand bribes.

Women travelling alone or with children face compounded dangers, particularly in isolated areas without formal shelters. Interviewees reported that certain smuggling rings require women to pay additional ‘insurance fees’ to ward off sexual assault, another layer of exploitation. Unaccompanied minors, many of whom are teenagers fleeing violence or extreme poverty, described how they join loosely organised groups for mutual protection but still remain vulnerable to kidnapping and labour exploitation if they cannot keep up physically or pay the required transit fees.

Some smugglers actively profile migrants by nationality or perceived wealth, offering Spanish-speaking South Americans slightly different rates than Haitian or African migrants. In the Mexico–Guatemala borderlands, multiple Haitian and Central American migrants reported being steered to the longest, least secure routes due to smugglers assuming they had limited funds. Beyond adding a layer of racial and economic discrimination, this practice forces the poorest onto routes where robbery, assault or abandonment is more prevalent. By reinforcing social hierarchies, the commodified migration industry ensures that the harshest risks fall upon those with the fewest choices.

Impact on humanitarian access and rescue efforts

Humanitarian agencies and local organisations attempt to provide relief in these corridors but tiered smuggling practices significantly complicate their outreach. Migrants who pay premium prices often bypass official routes, sheltering in guarded hideouts that are inaccessible to aid groups. Meanwhile, less affluent individuals may become scattered across remote trails or forced into prolonged stays in risky border towns, making consistent humanitarian coverage difficult.

Volunteers in places like Necoclí (Colombia) and Tapachula (Mexico) have found that the continual shifting of smuggling routes hampers their ability to deliver essential services such as medical aid and food supplies. Reliance on clandestine paths also reduces the likelihood of swift intervention in emergencies. In the Darién Gap, for instance, those who deviate from established footpaths to avoid detection are more likely to go missing or suffer injuries with no hope of prompt rescue. Thus, the commodification of passage not only puts poorer migrants in harm’s way but also constrains humanitarian efforts by increasing the fragmentation and invisibility of vulnerable populations.

The role of social media

Digital connectivity offers critical lifelines for many migrants, such as real-time updates on which checkpoints are active, discussion of new policy changes, and tips for safer lodging or legal aid. Yet this same environment also fuels the commodification of migration. Online forums, WhatsApp groups, TikTok accounts and Facebook pages serve as a massive advertising space for smugglers touting ‘limited-time offers’ or one-stop ‘migration packages’. Some present themselves as humanitarian volunteers, only to demand exorbitant fees once they have earned migrants’ trust.

Influencers and YouTubers looking for high view counts sometimes glamorise these journeys, highlighting scenic footage of crossing rivers or scaling tropical mountains while glossing over the brutal hardships that are frequent realities. This curated portrayal can mislead prospective migrants, making them underestimate the potential costs (financial and personal) and overestimate the success rates of certain routes.

At the same time, social media remains a powerful tool for grassroots organising. NGOs and migrant advocates use Telegram or WhatsApp to share warnings about known extortion rings or unscrupulous local authorities. In certain border towns, volunteer-run Facebook pages maintain ‘bad actor’ watchlists, encouraging migrants to report exploitative practices immediately. These collective efforts constitute a fragile but critical form of consumer protection. However, lack of robust digital literacy among some migrant populations, coupled with language barriers or limited internet access, can leave many particularly susceptible to misleading advertisements. Ultimately, digital platforms mirror the broader complexities of migratory corridors: they enable both solidarity and subterfuge, empowerment and exploitation.

Good and poor practices

Several local and grassroots initiatives attempt to mitigate exploitation along these corridors. In Tapachula, for instance, migrant-led ‘caring economies’ have emerged, where Haitian women organise communal kitchens offering shared meals and information. By pooling resources and knowledge, migrants reduce their reliance on costly smuggler-run services. Local NGOs and church-based groups also distribute basic supplies and provide advice on navigating regional checkpoints, thereby decreasing migrants’ vulnerability to fraudulent ‘guarantees’.

However, not all interventions work as intended. Military deployments at the Mexico–Guatemala border, aimed at disrupting smugglers, often push migrants into less-travelled, more perilous routes. Heightened checkpoints drive up smuggler fees and deepen reliance on hidden passages. Similarly, some high-profile policy declarations, including cross-border agreements to curb irregular movement, unintentionally propel smuggling demand by restricting safer, regulated pathways. These measures, although they may be well meaning, can exacerbate the very problems they seek to solve.

In the Darién Gap, a few pilot programmes to regulate local guides and ensure set pricing have shown promise. By issuing credentials and standardising service costs, community leaders reduce extortion and protect migrants from dubious intermediaries. However, these measures require ongoing monitoring to prevent co-option by criminal networks.

The core lesson is clear. Piecemeal enforcement or blanket crackdowns can inadvertently spur new smuggling strategies, hurting the poorest migrants most. Instead, policies and practices should integrate community-driven efforts, prioritise safe transit options and include transparent oversight. Such an approach holds potential for mitigating exploitation rather than simply displacing it to more dangerous areas.

Reflections and recommendations

Our research confirms that migration in corridors like the Darién Gap and the Mexico–Guatemala border increasingly operates under a market logic, leaving resource-poor migrants exposed to higher risks. Social media both enables real-time navigation and facilitates profiteering, while local economies, often intertwined with smuggling networks, generate parallel markets in basic supplies and ‘safer routes’.

Policy interventions must be realistic about the involvement of criminal interests and address the fact that many local livelihoods now depend on the migrant economy. Instead of broad crackdowns that push migrants further into danger, discreet oversight mechanisms could focus on identifying and penalising persistent exploitation (including by government officials) without punishing small-scale community enterprises. Regional cooperation should create pressure for fairer service pricing and safe, predictable channels, even if partially informal, rather than forcing migrants onto criminal routes.

Humanitarian interventions could include selective, conflict-sensitive partnerships with vetted local actors who do not directly profit from dangerous smuggling tactics. Establishing neutral referral points away from dominant smuggling hubs – and supporting these with mobile clinics or legal aid – would help reduce reliance on exploitative ‘packages’. Building local trust may require creative, low-visibility methods that protect residents from retaliation by organised crime. Future research could examine how to shift local dependence on smuggling-related income by developing alternative livelihoods, alongside deeper study of the impact of digital misinformation on migrant decisions.

 

Alberto Hernández Hernández
Research Professor (Profesor-Investigador)
El Colegio de la Frontera Norte (College of the Northern Border), Mexico; Universidad de los Andes (University of the Andes), Colombia
ahdez@colef.mx
bit.ly/google-scholar-hernandez-hernandez

Carlos S Ibarra
Researcher for Mexico (Investigador x México)
Secretaría de Ciencia, Humanidades, Tecnología e Innovación (Government of Mexico’s Secretariat of Science, Humanities, Technology and Innovation); Escuela de Antropología e Historia del Norte de México (School of Anthropology and History of Northern Mexico)
samuel.ibarra@secihti.mx
bit.ly/google-scholar-ibarra

 

^[1] Hernández A and Ibarra CS (2023) ‘Navegando Entre Dominación y Empatía: Desafíos Éticos y Metodológicos en la Investigación del Corredor Migratorio del Tapón del Darién’, Tramas y Redes, Vol 5: 29–46

^[2] We obtained informed consent, prioritised anonymity and engaged in ongoing reflection on our own positionality.

^[3] Cruz-Piñeiro R, Hernández Hernández A, Ibarra CS (2024) ‘Commodifying Passage: Ethnographic Insights into Migration, Markets, and Digital Mediation at the Darién Gap and Mexico–Guatemala Border’, International Migration Review, Vol 58 (4): 2141-2166

^[4] Zepeda B, Carrión F, Enríquez F (Eds) (2022) Latin America’s Global Border System: An Introduction, Routledge.

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